ask ourselves what is it for young people with the Constitution. What can you do to make young people feel the Constitution as a thing to them, because they feel that in defending, in developing the Constitution, continues, albeit in different forms, the resistance to which their older brothers exhibited, and many lost, their lives.
This program was accomplished. But the program of peace, was made at a later date. It was the Constitution.
The Constitution must be regarded, not as a dead law, must be considered, and is, as a political program. The Constitution contiene in sé un programma politico concordato, diventato legge, che è obbligo realizzare.
La nostra Costituzione, lo riconoscono anche i socialisti, non è una Costituzione che ponga per meta all’Italia la trasformazione della società socialista. La Costituzione è nata da un compromesso fra diverse ideologie. Vi ha contribuito l’ispirazione mazziniana, vi ha contribuito il marxismo, vi ha contribuito il solidarismo cristiano. Questi vari partiti sono riusciti a mettersi d’accordo su un programma comune che si sono impegnati a realizzare. La parte più viva, più vitale, più piena d’avvenire, della Costituzione, non è costituita da quella struttura d’organi costituzionali che ci sono e potrebbero essere anche diversi: la parte vera e vitale della Costituzione è quella che si può chiamare programmatica, quella che pone delle mete che si debbono gradualmente raggiungere e per il raggiungimento delle quali vale anche oggi, e più varrà in avvenire, l’impegno delle nuove generazioni.
Nella nostra Costituzione c’è un articolo che è il più impegnativo, impegnativo per noi che siamo al declinare, ma soprattutto per voi giovani che avete l’avvenire davanti. Esso dice: “E’ compito della Repubblica rimuovere gli ostacoli d’ordine economico e sociale che, limitando di fatta la libertà e l’eguaglianza dei cittadini, impediscono il pieno sviluppo della persona umana e l’effettiva partecipazione di tutti i lavoratori all’organizzazione politica, economica e sociale del paese”.
“E’ compito… di rimuovere gli ostacoli che impediscono il pieno sviluppo della persona umana”! Quindi dare lavoro a tutti, dare una giusta retribuzione a tutti, dare la scuola a tutti, dare a tutti gli uomini dignità d’uomini.
Soltanto quando questo sarà raggiunto si potrà veramente affermare che la formula contenuta nell’articolo 1: “L’Italia è una Repubblica fondata sul lavoro”, corrisponderà alla realtà. Perché fino a che non c’è questa possibilità for every man to work and study and draw on their work safely with the means to live as a man, not only for our Republic will not be able to call based on the work, but you can call even democratic, because a democracy in which no there is this de facto equality, where there is only an equality of right, is a democracy in which all citizens are enabled to truly participate in society, to bring their best contribution, in which all forces spiritual of all citizens are made to contribute to this process, this continuous progress of society. And then you understand from this that our Constitution is in part a reality, but only in part, is still part of a program, a commitment, a job to do.
How much work you have to be done! How much work lies before you!
E 'has rightly been said that the Constitutions of the controversy, which in the articles of the Constitutions is always there, even if disguised by cold formulation of the rules, a polemic. This controversy is usually a polemic against the recent past, the regime fell from which it came out of the new regime. If you read the part of the Constitution which refers to the relations of civil and political rights of freedom, you constantly hear the argument against what was the situation before the Republic, when all Today these freedoms are listed and solemnly reaffirmed were systematically disregarded. And it is natural that in the articles of the Constitution there are still echoes of this resentment and there is a polemic against the regime fell, and a commitment not to resurrect this scheme, not to repeat again and allow those same insults. That is in our Constitution there are several rules that clearly state, prohibiting the recovery of the Fascist Party. But in our Constitution there is something more, especially young people must understand this.
But there is a part of the Constitution which is a polemic against the present, against the company. Because when the article says, "It 's the duty of the Republic to remove the obstacles of an economic and social obstacles to the full development of the human person," recognizes that today there are these obstacles, in fact, and that we must remove them. It gives a view, the Constitution! A controversial trial, an adverse opinion against the current social order, that must change through this instrument of law, on a gradual transformation that the Constitution has made available to Italian citizens.
But the Constitution is not a property which has defined a fixed point, it is a constitution that opens the way to the future. Not to say revolutionary because "revolution" in common parlance, means something that subverts violently. But the Constitution is a renewal, progressive, aiming at transformation of this society in which that can happen even when there are legal and political freedoms, they are rendered useless by economic inequality and the inability for many people to be citizens and realize that within them there is a spiritual flame that if he developed a compensation system could also contribute to the economic progress of society. So
polemic against the present we live in and commitment to doing everything within us to transform this situation.
Però, vedete, la Costituzione non è una macchina che una volta messa in moto va avanti da sé. La Costituzione è un pezzo di carta: lo lascio cadere e non si muove. Perché si muova bisogna ogni giorno, in questa macchina, rimetterci dentro l’impegno, lo spirito, la volontà di mantenere quelle promesse, la propria responsabilità. Per questo una delle offese che si fanno alla Costituzione è l’indifferenza alla politica, l’indifferentismo, che è, non qui per fortuna, in questo uditorio ma spesso in larghi strati, in larghe categorie di giovani. E’ un po’ una malattia dei giovani, l’indifferentismo. “La politica è una brutta cosa”. “Che me ne importa policy? ".
When I hear this speech, I am always reminded of that old little story that someone you know: two of those migrants, two peasants who cross the ocean on a rickety ship. One of these farmers slept in the hold and the other was on the bridge and noticed that there was a large storm with high waves. The ship rocked and then when the peasants, scared, asks a sailor: "But are we in danger?" And says: "If he continues this sea, the ship sank in half an hour." Then he runs into the hold, goes to wake up mate and shouts: "Beppe, Beppe, Beppe." - "What?". - "If it continues this sea, the ship sank in half an hour." And that: "What do I care, it's not mine."
This indifference to politics is so beautiful, so comfortable, there is liberty, we live under the freedom, there are other things to do than care about politics. I know myself. The world is beautiful, there are many beautiful things to see and enjoy not only involved in politics. And politics is not a pleasant thing.
But freedom is like air: you realize what it's worth when it begins to fail, when you hear that sense asphyxiation of the men of my generation have felt for twenty years and I hope you'll never hear of young people. And I hope you will not find you never feel that sense of anxiety, because you hope you manage to create the conditions for this sense of anxiety do not have to prove anything, every day reminding you that freedom must be vigilant, to watch giving its contribution to political life.
The Constitution, you see, is the statement, written in these articles from the literary point of view are not beautiful, but it is the solemn affirmation of social solidarity, human solidarity, of common fate: for, if it goes to the bottom , goes to background for all this ship.
E 'the paper of their own freedom, the paper, for each of us, the dignity of man.
I remember the first elections after the fall of fascism, June 2, 1946. These people who had enjoyed for twenty-five years the civil and political liberties, for the first time he went to vote, after a period of horror, chaos, civil war, struggles, wars, fires.
I was, I remember, in Florence. The same has happened here: these lines of people in front of the covered sections, disciplined and happy, happy because he had the feeling of having found their own dignity, that given the vote, this bring their views to help create this community of opinion, that we be masters of their own country, our country, our country, our land, we dispose of our destiny and the destiny of our country.
So you young people, the Constitution was to give your spirit, your youth, bring it to life, like what you hear, put in the public spirit, civic consciousness, realize, realize that each of us is not only is not alone; that we are more, we are also part of a whole, a whole within the limits of Italy and the world.
Now, you see, I have nothing to say to you: in this Constitution cui sentirete fare il commento nelle prossime conferenze c’è dentro tutta la nostra storia, tutto il nostro passato, tutti i nostri dolori, le nostre sciagure, le nostre gioie; essi sono tutti sfociati qui in questi articoli. E a sapere intendere, dietro questi articoli si sentono delle voci lontane.
E quando io leggo nell’art. 2: «L’adempimento dei doveri inderogabili di solidarietà politica, economica, sociale»; o quando leggo nell’art. 11: «L’Italia ripudia le guerre come strumento di offesa alla libertà degli altri popoli», la patria italiana in mezzo alle altre patrie… ma questo è Mazzini! Questa è la voce di Mazzini!
O quando io leggo Art. 8: "All religions are equally free before the law," but this is Cavour!
Or when I read in art. 5: "The Republic one and indivisible, recognizes and promotes local autonomy," but this is Cattaneo! Or when
art. I read about 52 of the armed forces: "The regulations of the armed forces on the democratic spirit of the Republic," army of people, but this is Garibaldi!
And when I read in art. 27: "It is not permitted the death penalty," but this is Beccaria! Great voices away, far away ... big names
But there are also humble names, recent entries! How much blood, how much pain to get to this constitution! Behind every article of this Constitution, or young, you have to see young people like you who fell in battle, shot, hanged, tortured, starved to death in concentration camps, died in Russia, died in Africa, died on the streets of Milan, for streets of Florence, cha gave their lives for freedom and justice could be written on this card. So when I told you that this is a dead paper, no, not a dead paper, is a testament is a testament of a hundred thousand deaths.
if you want to make a pilgrimage to the place in the birthplace of our Constitution, go to the partisans in the mountains where they fell, in the prisons where they were imprisoned in camps where they were hanged. Wherever an Italian died to redeem the freedom and dignity, or young people go there, thinking, why they came to our Constitution.
Piero Calamandrei
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